Daniel Walyemera

Daniel Walyemera I am a Practicing Lawyer in Uganda. I practice law with Walyemera & Co. Advocates in the Ugandan cap

https://observer.ug/viewpoint/in-uganda-you-are-serious-alone/
08/03/2026

https://observer.ug/viewpoint/in-uganda-you-are-serious-alone/

On one of our manoeuvres in the city recently, we found two men leaning against a kiosk, one holding a bottle of kombucha at midday, the other balanced on a boda-boda seat. They were discussing climate change, politics, governance, and the future of the nation with the same energy people usually res...

Impunity Busters!
28/02/2026

Impunity Busters!

We have Ugandans like this, Yhoo!
22/02/2026

We have Ugandans like this, Yhoo!

In 2018, Mickey Barreto and his boyfriend paid $200 to stay one night at the famous New Yorker Hotel in Manhattan. After the stay, Barreto asked for a lease. He said that because the building was old, a city housing law gave him the right to stay there as a tenant.

When the hotel refused, he went to housing court. The hotel did not send a lawyer to one hearing, and the judge gave Barreto “possession” of the room. He then lived there without paying rent for years.

Later, prosecutors said Barreto went further. They said he uploaded fake property papers online and tried to claim he owned the entire hotel. He even tried to collect rent and control bank accounts.

In 2024, he was evicted and charged with fraud. He later pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six months in prison, which he already served, plus probation.

15/02/2026

In 2015, an eighty-three-year-old Italian philosopher looked at the internet and said something that made people furious — and uncomfortable.

A decade later, we are living inside his warning.

His name was Umberto Eco. He was a medieval scholar, a semiotician who studied how meaning is created, and the author of The Name of the Rose. For decades, he analyzed how ideas spread, how symbols shape belief, and how societies decide what is true.

So when social media began reshaping public life, Eco paid close attention.

In June 2015, during an interview in Italy, he was asked what the internet had changed. His answer was blunt. Social media, he said, gives “legions of idiots” the right to speak when they once only spoke at a bar after a glass of wine, where they were quickly ignored. Now, he warned, they are given the same platform as experts. He called it an invasion.

The backlash was immediate. People accused him of elitism. Of hating democracy. Of wanting to silence ordinary voices.

That reaction missed his point entirely.

Eco was not arguing against free speech. He was warning about what happens when expertise is stripped of value — when years of study, evidence, and accountability are treated as equal to impulse, opinion, or confidence.

For centuries, public discourse had filters. Editors. Peer review. Fact-checking. These systems were flawed and often excluded voices that deserved space. But they enforced responsibility. Claims required evidence. Errors carried consequences.

The internet erased those barriers overnight.

Suddenly, anyone could reach millions. A trained scientist and a conspiracy theorist appeared side by side, formatted identically, amplified by the same algorithms. Platforms rewarded engagement, not accuracy. Outrage traveled faster than nuance. Certainty beat caution every time.

Eco watched as flat-earth communities organized online. As vaccine myths outpaced public-health guidance. As complex political realities were replaced by viral slogans. As the phrase “I did my own research” became a substitute for knowledge.

He understood the danger clearly: giving everyone a voice is not the same as treating every voice as equally authoritative.

A family member’s social-media post about medicine is not equivalent to peer-reviewed research. An influencer’s opinion on climate science does not carry the same weight as decades of data. But online, these distinctions vanish.

Confidence looks like credibility. Volume looks like truth.

Eco wasn’t calling people stupid. He was criticizing systems that amplify the loudest voices regardless of understanding. He saw how respect for expertise was eroding — how facts were being reframed as opinions, and opinions as facts.

Nine months later, in February 2016, Eco died at eighty-four.

He never saw a global pandemic where misinformation spread faster than the virus itself. He didn’t witness deepfake videos or AI-generated propaganda. He didn’t see elections questioned at scale based on claims repeatedly disproven.

But he identified the core problem before it fully arrived.

When every opinion is treated as equally valid, truth becomes optional.

Eco believed democracy depends on informed citizens, not just loud ones. He argued that critical thinking, humility, and deference to evidence are not weaknesses — they are safeguards.

Today, those traits are punished by algorithms. Outrage is rewarded. Certainty is viral. Thoughtfulness is quiet.

And yet, intellectual honesty has become a form of courage.

Eco once said the true hero is someone who wants to be ordinary, honest, and afraid — but does the right thing anyway. In our time, that may mean questioning what we share, asking who benefits from what we believe, and remembering that seeing something online should never be the end of thinking.

Eco didn’t fear people speaking.

He feared truth drowning in noise.

And he left us with a question that still hasn’t been answered:

What are we going to do about it?

In my considered opinion published in today’s Monitor Newspaper, on a recent internet shutdown during an electoral perio...
20/01/2026

In my considered opinion published in today’s Monitor Newspaper, on a recent internet shutdown during an electoral period in Uganda, I argue that the shutdowns must be isolated and targeted to suspected criminals after judicial oversight has been sought by UCC or security services before the shutdowns are ordered. I also argue that international human rights law frowns upon total internet shutdowns if they don’t meet the three-part test enshrined in Article 19(3) of the ICCPR. The article can be accessed at the link below 👇🏿:

The internet shutdowns have to be specific to the potential threats identified by intelligence services

I published a 3 page article in Academia Journal about 4 years ago. The arguments I made then, seem to be relevant now f...
18/01/2026

I published a 3 page article in Academia Journal about 4 years ago. The arguments I made then, seem to be relevant now for Uganda. This is in regard to the use of national security as an obscure reason to prevent the free flow of information, especially, before during and after elections. It is a gross violation of the concept of democratic accountability. It can be accessed at the link below 👇🏿:

The notion of democratic accountability espouses the idea that elected leaders are answerable to the citizens of a state in the ex*****on of their periodic mandate. All public officers who serve under the elected leaders, including intelligence and

I published a 3 page article in academia about 4 years ago. The arguments I made then, seem to be relevant now for Ugand...
18/01/2026

I published a 3 page article in academia about 4 years ago. The arguments I made then, seem to be relevant now for Uganda. This is in regard to the use of national security as an obscure reason to prevent the free flow of information, especially, before during and after elections. It can be accessed at the link below 👇🏿:

The notion of democratic accountability espouses the idea that elected leaders are answerable to the citizens of a state in the ex*****on of their periodic mandate. All public officers who serve under the elected leaders, including intelligence and

17/01/2026

My paper has just been published by a renown South Africa Law Journal - Speculum Juris. The paper explores the law on private prosecutions and how this mechanism can be used as an anti-corruption tool in fragile states like Uganda. This is because corruption is a scourge that significantly cripples the provision of social services in a country once public resources are embezzled by powerful persons. There are numerous limitations to public prosecution of corruption in transitional democracies. State structures are prone to political influence-peddling, which has a bearing on police investigations and the public prosecution of corruption. Consequently, alternative strategies for combating this serious crime are essential. To enable the strengthening of the private prosecution regime in Uganda, a comparative analysis of the best practices from other selected Commonwealth jurisdictions is conducted. The limitations of the private prosecution regime are discussed to enable the strengthening of this anti-corruption tool. Uganda can benefit from the best practices of other Commonwealth jurisdictions in strengthening its private prosecutions regime as a powerful anti- corruption tool. It is available here at the link below 👇🏿:

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