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McDonald Law I have been practising law for over two decades, and I specialise in Criminal, Wills, and Family Law.

⚖️  SEVEN DAYS. A DECISIVE LIFE, CAREER, AND FAMILY UNIT SAVING RESULT. ALL PROCEEDINGS TO BE WITHDRAWN.NSW Police confi...
12/10/2026

⚖️ SEVEN DAYS. A DECISIVE LIFE, CAREER, AND FAMILY UNIT SAVING RESULT. ALL PROCEEDINGS TO BE WITHDRAWN.

NSW Police confirm withdrawal of intimidation charge and Apprehended Domestic Violence Order proceedings following representations by McDonald Law.

Sometimes the most effective criminal defence is the one that prevents a matter from ever reaching a defended hearing.

Just one week ago, our client was facing a criminal charge of intimidation under section 13 of the Crimes (Domestic and Personal Violence) Act 2007 together with the usual proceedings of an Apprehended Domestic Violence Order (ADVO).

Today, NSW Police officially confirmed their decision to withdraw all proceedings.

Every matter. Including the criminal charge and the ADVO application will be withdrawn.

This is unheard of in today's climate of domestic violence culture to proceed with everything. I commend the police for making the right decision to stop what could have been a very harmful prosecution for our client, their family, and the police themselves.

How did we approach it?

Rather than letting the proceedings follow their usual course through the Local Court, I undertook an early assessment of the available evidence, the applicable legislation, and the circumstances surrounding the allegations.

I then made detailed written representations to police, challenging whether the evidence supported the continuation of the proceedings, whether maintaining the ADVO application remained justified, and whether staking family members against each other, when clearly they did not wish the proceedings to go forward, was in the public interest.

Important legal principles are at stake.

An allegation is not proof. A police charge is not a conviction. And an apprehended violence order must have a proper legal foundation.

Under section 13 of the Crimes (Domestic and Personal Violence) Act 2007, the prosecution must establish the elements of intimidation, including the requisite and specific intention or knowledge concerning the causing of fear of physical or mental harm.

Under section 16, an application for an ADVO requires consideration of the statutory grounds for making an order.

Importantly, a complainant's wish and pleading to discontinue proceedings does not automatically require police to withdraw them. What many people do not realise is that they are witnesses only for the prosecuting authority: the police. The prosecution is not bound to obey or take direction from 'victims'. The prosecution will continue proceedings regardless, sometimes to my frustration, knowing that many matters are doomed. Nevertheless, they must independently assess the evidence, applicable law and public interest.

That is why experienced legal representation at the earliest opportunity can make a substantial difference.

In this matter, following our representations, police have confirmed their intention to withdraw the criminal charge and associated ADVO proceedings. Formal finalisation through the Local Court is now being arranged.

The implications for our client are substantial. A serious criminal allegation and associated protective order proceedings are being brought to an end without the need for a defended hearing, threat to their employment, family breakdown, and most importantly, a criminal record that could impact travel, working with children, and a fi****ms licence holding.

Our approach is to challenge the prosecution case from the outset, not simply wait for a court date. I am Richard McDonald. I am a former NSW Police Sergeant, Police Prosecutor, Senior Legal Consultant and Counsel with over two decades of policing experience and extensive experience in criminal prosecutions, advising at the highest level of government, including the Commissioner of Police under Peter Ryan (1996 to 2002), Ken Moroney (2002-2007), Andrew Scipioni (2007-2017), and Michael Fuller (2017-2022), not to mention all State Crime Command Squads, Raptor Squad, and Professional Standards Command. I also spent years in the Office of General Counsel, practising Special Crime Inquiries, Special Projects, and assorted Administrative Law, such as Fi****ms Law, which I also practise.

That background provides valuable and unique insight into police investigations, prosecution decision-making, evidentiary issues and the preparation of representations seeking withdrawal of proceedings.

If you have been charged with a criminal offence, accused of intimidation, or served with an ADVO or APVO application in NSW, obtain legal advice early.

McDonald Law Pty Ltd
Criminal Defence | Domestic Violence Proceedings | ADVO and APVO Defence | Police Powers | Fi****ms Law | S*xual Assault Law | Heavy Vehicle Prosecutions | Drug Offences and many more...

📍 Norwest and Sydney C*D

📩 Contact McDonald Law to arrange a confidential consultation in person or via MS Teams

We travel Australia-wide and have appeared in Queensland, Victoria, Western Australia, and Tasmania, to name a few.

The right legal strategy may make the difference between months of litigation and an early resolution.



NB: The case outcome described is specific to the circumstances. Police have confirmed their intention to withdraw the proceedings; court finalisation is pending. Past results do not guarantee future outcomes.*

28/09/2026

THE HIGH COURT CLARIFIES WHEN A SECRET RECORDING MAY BE LAWFUL

Potter (A Pseudonym) v The King [2026] HCA 25

On 5 August 2026, the High Court delivered an important judgment concerning covert recordings, personal privacy and the circumstances in which a person may secretly record a private conversation. Ultimately, secretly recording a person outside their knowledge may be lawful because it is reasonably necessary to protect a person’s “lawful interests”.

I generally provide guidance to clients that it is not a good idea to covertly record people without getting their consent first, as the defence of “lawful interests” arises only after you commit the offence under s 7 of the Surveillance Devices Act 2007. So, from the moment you start covertly recording a person, without a warrant from a Judge, you may be committing a criminal offence that carries a term of imprisonment.

That is why I typically advise getting express or implied consent.

Express consent means telling the person overtly that they are being recorded, even though they have a lawful right to refuse, and they agree to being recorded.

Implied consent means telling a person you are recording them, and it is up to them whether they want to speak while being recorded. Should they then choose to speak knowing they are being recorded, they are impliedly, at law, consenting. For example, when you ring someone, you are told to leave a voicemail message. It is up to you whether you leave a message and be recorded, and if you do, you are impliedly consenting to being recorded. Neither circumstance breaches the Surveillance Devices Act in NSW.

The Potter Decision

The Potter decision is a South Australian case and is also relevant in New South Wales because our Surveillance Devices Act 2007 contains a similar exception in s 7(3)(b)(i).

The case arose from the appellant’s trial on four counts of r**e involving his wife. He was convicted on two counts. The prosecution case was that the sexual activity occurred while the complainant was asleep and without her consent: Potter at [1]–[3]. High Court of Australia

A key piece of evidence was a conversation the complainant secretly recorded on her mobile telephone in December 2019.

During that conversation, the appellant said:

“I sexually assaulted you.”

He also acknowledged commencing sexual in*******se while she was asleep. At trial, he accepted making the statements but maintained that he had said them to placate her.

The complainant explained that she had not made the recording for the immediate purpose of going to police or commencing criminal proceedings.

As an aside comment, this is quite critical because in New South Wales you may in fact record someone covertly, if it is not for a third-party reason, i.e. that is, if you are not intending to use it outside you as the principal party and the other party to the conversation. That provision is found at s 7(3)(b)(ii) of the Surveillance Devices Act 2007.

For example, that may include a conversation with your specialist during a conference, and you record it for future reference when reviewing their advice. At the time, you keep the recording for yourself and no one else. In my view, this circumstance in Potter is very similar. Which, in essence, does not really change the law as it was anyway! That may be controversial, but in my view, nothing in how the High Court expressed the law, as far as NSW is concerned, has really changed.

In Potter, the complainant said she wanted a permanent reminder of what had occurred so she would not be persuaded to resume the relationship: Potter at [28]–[30]. High Court of Australia – that is, she intended to keep the recording for herself, rather than for another person, such as gathering evidence in the r**e trial.

That distinction became central to the case.

The legal issue

South Australian legislation, like NSW legislation, generally protects the privacy of private conversations and restricts their covert recording.

However, s 4(2)(a)(ii) of the South Australian Act created an exception where the use of the listening device was “reasonably necessary for the protection of the lawful interests” of the person making the recording.

The High Court held that the intermediate Court of Appeal had taken too narrow a view of that concept.

Importantly, the Court explained that “reasonably necessary” does not mean that making the recording must have been absolutely essential. It is sufficient that recording the conversation was appropriate for the protection of the relevant lawful interest.

The assessment is objective, but it must be undertaken having regard to the circumstances actually confronting the person at the time the recording was made. The person’s subjective reasons are relevant, but do not determine the legal characterisation of the interest being protected.

The High Court then provided a useful framework. A court should identify the interest said to require protection, determine whether that interest is lawful, and then consider whether, in all the circumstances, making the recording was reasonably necessary or appropriate to protect that interest. High Court of Australia

What is a “lawful interest”?

This is one of the most significant aspects of the judgment.

The High Court rejected the proposition that a “lawful interest” is confined to an existing legal right, legal title, duty or liability. It is a broader concept.

The Court referred to earlier NSW authority suggesting that “lawful interests” are closer to legitimate interests and emphasised that the expression should generally be applied case by case rather than artificially confined by rigid categories.

That does not mean that anyone can secretly record any conversation simply because they would prefer to have a record of it.

The statutory protection of privacy remains important. A genuine lawful interest must be protected, and the recording must bear the required relationship to protecting that interest.

The High Court specifically contrasted legitimate protective recordings with recordings made merely to trap another person or create leverage in a commercial dispute.

Why the complainant’s recording was lawful

The Court held that the relevant interest had been wrongly characterised by the majority in the South Australian Court of Appeal as merely an interest in leaving or not resuming a relationship.

The true interest was much more significant.

It was the complainant’s bodily autonomy, bodily integrity and personal safety.

The High Court described bodily integrity and autonomy as a common law “fundamental right” and emphasised the exceptionally strong legal interest a person has in protecting themselves against sexual assault.

The Court then considered the complainant’s actual circumstances.

She remained living in the same house as the appellant. She had significant health issues, responsibility for two small children and limited support. The Court concluded that the circumstances exposed her to a real risk of further sexual assault.

It did not matter that she could theoretically have written herself a note.

Nor did it matter that she could have approached police.

The Court held that an audio recording of the appellant’s admissions provided a substantially more powerful reminder of the danger she perceived than a handwritten note, while the response and timing of any police investigation were matters outside her control.

The High Court therefore held that the covert recording was not unlawfully made and that it had been properly admitted into evidence. The appeal was dismissed.

WHAT DOES THIS MEAN IN NSW?

This is where the decision matters most for NSW practitioners and members of the public.

As I explained above, section 7(1) of the Surveillance Devices Act 2007 generally prohibits covertly recording a private conversation, except in circumstances of s 7(3)(b)(i) and (ii).

However, s 7(3)(b)(i) provides an exception where a principal party (you as the person recording) consents to the recording and the recording is reasonably necessary for the protection of that principal party’s lawful interests.

The High Court expressly referred to the NSW provision and then considered the NSW Court of Criminal Appeal decision in DW v The Queen [2014] NSWCCA 28.

In DW, a young complainant secretly recorded a conversation in circumstances where the recording could corroborate her account and assist in protecting her from further abuse. The High Court treated that case as illustrating the proper operation of the “lawful interests” exception.

Secretly recording someone in NSW is not automatically lawful simply because the person making the recording believes it might be useful later. But the law also does not require a person to show that recording was their only possible option.

Following Potter, the critical questions include:

What precise interest was the person trying to protect?
Was that a lawful or legitimate interest?
What circumstances confronted the person when the recording was made?
Was recording the conversation objectively appropriate to protect that interest?
How significant was the threatened interest, including personal safety, bodily integrity, protection against serious criminal conduct or protection against a serious false allegation?
Was the recording genuinely protective, rather than simply an attempt to manufacture evidence, trap someone or gain leverage?

Those questions must be determined on the particular facts.

Potter therefore does not create a general licence to secretly record private conversations.

What it does do is provide authoritative High Court guidance that “reasonably necessary” is not synonymous with indispensable, that “lawful interests” extend beyond strictly defined legal rights, and that the seriousness of the interest requiring protection matters greatly when deciding whether the statutory exception is engaged.

For NSW lawyers dealing with domestic violence allegations, sexual offences, intimidation, threats, workplace disputes, family disputes and other cases in which secretly recorded conversations emerge, Potter is now an important authority to consider alongside DW v The Queen [2014] NSWCCA 28, Sepulveda v The Queen (2006) 167 A Crim R 108 and Levy v Bablis [2013] NSWCA 28.

Importantly, the legality of making a recording and the separate questions of subsequently using, communicating or publishing that recording are not necessarily the same thing. Anyone contemplating covert recording should obtain legal advice before assuming that a recording, or its later distribution, is lawful.

Case Reference:

Potter (A Pseudonym) v The King [2026] HCA 25, Gageler CJ, Gordon, Steward, Jagot and Beech-Jones JJ, 5 August 2026.

McDonald Law Criminal Law | Police Powers | Surveillance Devices | Fi****ms & Weapons Law [email protected]

I have been practising law for over two decades, and I specialise in Criminal, Wills, and Family Law.

14 FI****MS CHARGES. AN ALLEGATION OF FI****MS TRAFFICKING. NO JAIL.Today I appeared at Moama Local Court for the finali...
17/09/2026

14 FI****MS CHARGES. AN ALLEGATION OF FI****MS TRAFFICKING. NO JAIL.

Today I appeared at Moama Local Court for the finalisation of a significant fi****ms prosecution.

When this matter commenced, our client was facing 14 fi****ms charges, including the particularly serious allegation of trafficking in fi****ms.

This was not a case where the consequences could be treated lightly.

The combination of charges, the number of fi****ms involved and the trafficking allegation meant that the prospect of a custodial sentence had to be taken very seriously from the outset.

But being charged with an offence and being convicted and sentenced for it are very different things.

Our job as defence lawyers is to examine what the prosecution actually alleges, what it can prove, what should properly remain before the Court and, ultimately, what the appropriate sentencing outcome should be.

Over the course of this matter we carefully examined the prosecution case, the individual fi****ms allegations, the applicable legislation and the circumstances surrounding the offending. We started negotiations and were successful in having 14 reduced to 7.

The case that ultimately came before the Court for sentence was very different from the position our client faced at the beginning.

Today our focus was firmly on sentence.

We addressed the objective seriousness of the offending, the client’s personal circumstances, the relevant mitigating factors, the purposes of sentencing and, importantly, why imprisonment was not necessary to achieve those purposes.

The result was no jail.

The Court ultimately dealt with our client by way of a Community Correction Order and fines.

For someone who began proceedings facing 14 fi****ms charges, including an allegation of fi****ms trafficking, that was an extremely important outcome.

It is also a good illustration of why fi****ms matters require careful and experienced representation.

Fi****ms law is a highly niche intersection of criminal law, administrative law and technical fi****ms legislation. The consequences can extend well beyond the criminal charge itself and can affect a person’s fi****ms licence, employment, livelihood and ability to possess fi****ms well into the future.

At McDonald Law, fi****ms and weapons matters form a significant part of our practice and we a good at it.

Before entering private practice, I spent more than two decades in policing including 18 years as a Police Prosecutor, prosecuting the very offences I now defend clients in. I have now also practised as a lawyer for more than two decades and it is 36 years since I picked up my first law text.

That experience means I understand these matters from both sides of the courtroom. Many of the prosecutors know I was once on their side of the bar table. That makes a difference. I am also instructed by serving police officers when they too come within the cross-hairs of the organisations.

And we are not limited by geography.

Today it was Moama Local Court.

Tomorrow it may be Sydney, Melbourne, Bendigo, Bathurst, Mudgee, Brisbane, Townsville, Perth or elsewhere.

We travel Australia wide for criminal, fi****ms and weapons matters.

If you are facing serious fi****ms charges, an allegation involving the supply or trafficking of fi****ms, a fi****ms licence refusal or revocation, or other criminal proceedings involving domestic violence, sexual assault, drugs, fi****ms, getting expert advice early can fundamentally affect how the case is approached.

Do not hesitate if you need urgent assistance and do not talk to the police until you get legal advice - preferably from McDonald Law

Criminal | Fi****ms & Weapons | Traffic | Litigation involving the State

📞 0411 460 034
📧 [email protected]
🌐 mcdonaldlaw.com.au

RICHARD GETS RESULTS

CAVEAT: This post is provided for general information only and does not constitute legal advice. Every matter turns on its individual facts and circumstances. Past results do not guarantee or predict the outcome of another matter.

CAN THE NSW POLICE FORCE YOU TO UNLOCK YOUR PHONE? 📱Yes.But not simply because they ask you to.There is a very important...
12/09/2026

CAN THE NSW POLICE FORCE YOU TO UNLOCK YOUR PHONE? 📱

Yes.

But not simply because they ask you to.

There is a very important difference.

Despite some of the pundits out there saying differently; a police officer stopping you such as at an RBT or on the street does not, merely because you have a phone, acquire a general broad power under these provisions to demand your PIN or for you to open or seize it for the purpose of access.

Do not hand over your phone unless the police officer can identify a specific power.

A Digital Evidence Access Order (DEAO) is a specific legal process and power connected with a search warrant or crime scene warrant.

Before an order can be made, there must be reasonable grounds to suspect that evidential material is held in, or accessible from, the device. That means there must be some basis in fact for the exercise of the power not just the vibe or a mere and idle wondering that there may be something on the device that may incriminate a person in a prescribed offence.

That is, the person police want to compel must also fall within one of the categories specified by the legislation and have relevant knowledge of the device, network or security protecting the data.

Once a valid order exists, however, things change considerably.

Police can potentially require you to provide the information or assistance reasonably necessary to access the data.

That can include:

Your PIN.

Your password.

Assistance unlocking encrypted data.

Biometric access, including your fingerprint.

And the new amendments allow police to specify a time by which you must comply.

The powers can also extend beyond information physically sitting on your phone to data accessible through the device from somewhere else.

But remember this:

A police request is not the same thing as a lawful direction under a Digital Evidence Access Order.

If police simply ask:

“Can you unlock your phone for us?”

that does not, by itself, mean you are legally required to do so.

Ask:

“Am I legally required to provide access?”

“What power are you relying upon?”

“Do you have a Digital Evidence Access Order?”

And, where entitled to do so:

“May I see the order?”

There is another sting in the legislation.

If a valid DEAO applies, refusing to comply without reasonable excuse is a criminal offence carrying a substantial penalty.

And Parliament has expressly provided that:

“It might incriminate me” is NOT a reasonable excuse.

There is, however, a separate and very important question concerning legal professional privilege.

Compelling access to a phone does not necessarily mean that every document, message or communication contained within it suddenly loses its privileged status.

So the message is simple:

Don’t confuse being asked with being legally compelled.

Don’t volunteer passwords, PINs or biometric access simply because police ask for them.

Ask what legal power is being exercised.

Ask to see the order where you are entitled to do so.

And get legal advice before voluntarily providing access to your digital life.

Know the power. Know its limits. Know your rights.

CAVEAT

This post is provided for general information only and does not constitute legal advice. The application of the law will depend upon the particular facts and circumstances of each case. If you are affected by these provisions, you should obtain legal advice specific to your circumstances.

Time for reflectionSometimes I get down. Frustrated. Irritated. There are days when I wonder whether any of it makes a d...
12/09/2026

Time for reflection

Sometimes I get down. Frustrated. Irritated. There are days when I wonder whether any of it makes a difference. Then I think about the people who sit across the desk from me, clients whose lives have suddenly collided with circumstances.

People charged with criminal offences who suddenly face the loss of reputation, livelihood and family. People watching the family unit they spent years building dissolve before their eyes, taking with it years of work, sacrifice, stability and everything they thought they had built together.

Then there are fi****ms owners from families where shooting, farming and fi****ms ownership have been part of life for generations, now being dictated to by authorities that often have little understanding of the people they regulate or the realities of the lives they lead.

For these people, this is not some abstract policy debate. It is their livelihood, their sport, their profession, their family tradition and their way of life. These are real people facing real consequences when government authorities decide they have come within their crosshairs.

I have been involved in the law for more than 36 years since I picked up my first law text, but particularly over the last five, I have felt that I am genuinely making a difference. Righting wrongs, challenging decisions that should never have been made and forcing authorities to justify themselves.

It means standing beside ordinary people when the machinery of government tells them they simply have to accept it. They do not. Government is not infallible. Police are not infallible. Departments and decision makers are not infallible either.

Authority does not become right simply because it appears on a government letterhead. Power must be capable of being challenged, decisions must withstand scrutiny and those who exercise authority over others must be prepared to justify what they have done. That is what a democracy and our rule of law is about.

I do not pretend that this work is all altruistic. It is my profession, and I am paid for my experience, judgment and time. My clients are not just transactions. It is about taking responsibility, taking command of decision making when someone’s life, livelihood, sport, or liberty is at stake, and having the resolve to see the matter through.

Every successful challenge sends the same message. You can be challenged. You can be held accountable. You do not get to trample over ordinary people simply because you have a badge, a department, a budget and the machinery of the State behind you.

So I will keep turning up. I will keep pushing back. I will keep standing beside people who are prepared to fight rather than surrender, and I will keep chipping away at the creeping assumption that government should be allowed to dominate our private lives without question.

Without genuine opposition, all that remains is unchecked power. And unchecked power is the foundation of totalitarianism. That is the true fascism I see emerging from Canberra and from Labor-led governments across the states: the belief that government should face no meaningful resistance when it seeks to control more of our lives.

Between the citizens and the State. Between submission and resistance. Between unchecked power and justice. And while I am still standing, that line will be defended.

TWO CLIENTS. TWO FI****MS CHARGES. ZERO CONVICTIONS. I appeared today in a Victorian Magistrates’ Court for two clients ...
27/08/2026

TWO CLIENTS. TWO FI****MS CHARGES. ZERO CONVICTIONS.

I appeared today in a Victorian Magistrates’ Court for two clients facing related charges under the Fi****ms Act 1996.

Both clients pleaded guilty. After detailed submissions addressing their early pleas, genuine remorse, prior good character, personal circumstances and strong prospects of rehabilitation, the Court imposed a modest fine on each client without recording a conviction. A very rare occurrence given the facts involved a person being accidentally shot!

Both matters were finalised on the day. No convictions. No ongoing undertakings. No good behaviour bonds.

This was an excellent result for both clients and highlights the value of early preparation, expert fi****ms law knowledge and focused sentencing advocacy against a determined prosecutor.

McDonald Law is one of Australia’s leading fi****ms law practices. We represent fi***rm owners, licence holders, businesses and industry participants in criminal proceedings, licensing disputes, internal reviews and administrative appeals across Australia.

The Principal of McDonald Law, Richard McDonald, spent more than two decades with the NSW Police Force, including as a police prosecutor and legal counsel. During that time, he provided advice at every level, from the Commissioner of Police to probationary constables, and across specialist areas including State Crime Command, Raptor, S*x Crimes, Fraud, Organised Crime and Professional Standards Command.

RIchard travels to every State and Territory to represent our clients. Distance is no barrier when your livelihood, reputation or fi****ms licence is on the line.

When the stakes are high, experience and expertise matters.

McDonald Law
Specialist fi****ms law advice and representation
📞 0411 460 034
📧 [email protected]

Opinion Piece - these views are my own, and it is not legal advice.NSW IS ABOUT TO BUY BACK 274,000 GUNS - WE ARE TARGET...
25/08/2026

Opinion Piece - these views are my own, and it is not legal advice.

NSW IS ABOUT TO BUY BACK 274,000 GUNS - WE ARE TARGETING THE WRONG PEOPLE!

Let me start with something that tends to get lost whenever fi****ms are discussed in Australia: I DO support fi****ms laws that are strong and sensible and actually work within the principles and objects of the Fi****ms Act - that is, it serves the Public Interest and Safety.

Fi****ms should be licensed. Licence holders need to be scrutinised.

Storage requirements should be strict. People who present an unacceptable risk should not have access to fi****ms. Illegal fi****ms, trafficking and criminal possession should be pursued aggressively. That is precisely why we have Fi****ms Prohibition Orders, Weapons Prohibition Orders, and Serious Crime Prevention Orders

But supporting fi****ms regulation does not mean every fi****ms law is automatically good policy or serves the public interest or safety.

The NSW Government estimates that its new buyback could affect up to 274,000 registered fi****ms, which is approximately 24 per cent of the registered fi****ms in this State and around 50,000 licence holders.

That is almost one quarter of NSW's registered fi***rm stock could potentially be removed under the reforms. That is an extraordinary regulatory intervention and deserves more scrutiny than the simplistic argument that anyone questioning it must somehow be opposed to gun control, is a far-right n**i, or some other kind of fascist.

The people affected are overwhelmingly the people the government already knows about. With our level of state surveillance, licensed fi***rm owners are not invisible.

Police know who they are. Their fi****ms are registered. Their addresses are known. They are subject to safe-storage inspections, licensing requirements, genuine-reason requirements, and ongoing scrutiny of whether they remain fit to possess fi****ms.

That raises an uncomfortable question: is the government targeting the greatest public safety risk, or simply the people who are easiest to regulate?

Apologies for the pun, but lawful fi***rm owners are a soft target! They are the lowest-hanging fruit for politicians to regulate, because criminals remain under the surface and obscure, that is, until something happens. It is trite to say that illegal fi****ms in the hands of organised criminals are not sitting neatly on the NSW Fi****ms Registry waiting to be collected.

While Bondi demanded action, it also demanded the right questions. It appears to me the current situation is clearly one that is piecemeal, ad hoc, and completely misguided.

The Bondi terrorist attack was horrific! The government had an obligation to examine what went wrong and whether the existing regulatory system failed.

But legislation following tragedy should address the actual mechanism(s) of failure. In my view, the mechanism was the Fi****ms Registry, the very bureaucracy that is supposed to keep us safe, as is the mantra of so many governments; it ironically plauds its fundamental role, while doing the opposite.

Was the problem that somebody could possess more than four fi****ms?

- Was it the particular type of fi***rm?
- Was it intelligence?
- Was it information sharing?
- Was it licensing eligibility?
- Was there information available to authorities that should have resulted in intervention?

Those are not arguments against fi****ms regulation. They are the questions that should be asked before legislation affecting tens of thousands of otherwise law-abiding citizens is enacted.

Then there is compensation

Many of these fi****ms were acquired completely lawfully under government endorsed and approved PTAs. The owners complied with the law!

Government then changed the law.

Under Phase 1 of the NSW scheme, compensation includes fixed amounts such as $600 for a rimfire r***e, $1,000 for a centrefire r***e and $850 for a semi-automatic handgun.

For higher-value eligible fi****ms, a later valuation process is proposed, but compensation will generally be capped at $10,000 per fi***rm.

So here is another simple question: if government now requires a citizen to surrender property that government previously authorised them to acquire lawfully, why shouldn't compensation reflect its genuine market value?

That is not a gun-control question; it is a fairness one

Dealers shouldn't be forgotten either. Fi****ms dealers have operated legitimate businesses within one of the most heavily regulated industries in Australia. Some now face the prospect of substantial amounts of previously lawful inventory becoming prohibited or commercially stranded.

The proposed assistance for eligible businesses is up to $25,000, a drop in the ocean compared to the investment they have put into their businesses.

Again, these businesses didn't suddenly become unlawful, the law changed around them.

Here's the part I find particularly troubling as a lawyer: the reforms have also substantially removed the ordinary pathway to an independent merits review in NCAT for NSW fi****ms decisions, apart from decisions concerning FPOs.

That deserves considerably more public attention. Administrative review isn't about guns; it is about holding the government's decisions accountable for the exercise of their powers.

Governments and the Commissioner of Police routinely make mistakes. Decision makers misunderstand evidence. The facts relied upon can be given too much weight to achieve an end. Discretion can and is exercised inconsistently.

Independent merits review exists precisely because government should not have a monopoly on the rules; our democracy relies and is contingent upon the separation of powers.

Whatever your views about fi****ms, removing independent scrutiny of administrative decisions should concern anyone interested in maintaining accountable government and authorities that now have a monopoly to determine our privilege to hold licences and fi****ms.

The four-gun limit also deserves a straightforward answer.

What is the evidence demonstrating that a licensed, and otherwise lawful fi****ms owner possessing five registered fi****ms presents a greater public safety risk than someone with four?

If that evidence exists, produce it. The same applies to any numerical limit. Public policy should be based upon a rational foundation of demonstrated risk, not numbers that merely sound reassuring at a press conference and are for all purposes fanciful, speculative and theoretical. It is well established that such an approach based on theoretical future risk is not sufficient to establish belief or facts.

There is also an extraordinary potential unintended consequence.

Recent reporting indicates NSW fi***rm licence applications increased by approximately 25 per cent in the six months following the reforms, with suggestions that some are obtaining additional licences so existing fi****ms can be redistributed lawfully rather than surrendered.

If legislation intended to reduce fi***rm concentration actually encourages more people to obtain fi***rm licences, surely we should be smart and mature enough to ask whether the policy is operating as intended.

Pauline Hanson and One Nation have now entered the debate!

One Nation argues that resources should be directed towards illegal fi****ms, organised crime, trafficking and terrorism rather than imposing further restrictions upon compliant fi***rm owners.

You don't have to support Pauline Hanson or One Nation to recognise that there is a legitimate policy question buried underneath the politics.

Nor should criticism of these laws automatically be characterised as opposition to fi****ms regulation.

This is not a debate about whether you "like guns" it is a debate on public safety and whether the current measures are effective and address risk.

If spending enormous amounts of public money to purchase registered fi****ms from people who have complied with the law will improve public safety, government should be able to demonstrate why.

If removing independent merits review makes the community safer, explain how.

If four fi****ms are safe but five represent an unacceptable risk, show us the evidence.

And if government requires citizens to surrender property they acquired completely lawfully, explain why they shouldn't receive genuine market-value compensation.

Because ultimately, a much bigger principle is at stake.

Good government isn't measured by how quickly legislation can be passed after a tragedy.

It is measured by whether that legislation actually addresses the problem, passes scrutiny and treats those affected fairly.

Being tough and being effective are not always the same thing.

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