Advocate Inayatullah Morio

Advocate Inayatullah Morio [email protected] Presedent High Court Baar Assoceation Larkana

Vote and supportElection HBA Larkana 2017. Inn shallah to be held on 4/2/2017 Saturday timing 09:00 am to 05:00 pm at Hi...
31/01/2017

Vote and support
Election HBA Larkana 2017. Inn shallah to be held on 4/2/2017 Saturday timing 09:00 am to 05:00 pm at High Court Building Larkana.
President
Mr. Innayatullah Morio
Vive president.
Syed Aijaz Ali Shah (unopposed)
Gen. Sec.
Mr. Asif Hussain Chandio
Joint Sec.
Mr. A. Jabbar Lashari
Lib. Sec.
Mr. Riaz Ahmed Soomro
Treasurer
Mr. Ashfaq Hussain Abro(unopposed)
MMC.
Mr. Faiz Mohammad Larik
Mr. Niamatullah Bhurgri
Syed Ghous Ali Shah
Mr. Sabir A. Shaikh
Mr. Amanullah Luhur
Mr. Ghayour Abbass Shahani
Miss. Shazia Surahiyo
Rgards: Admin....

Memorable picture Mr. Inayatullah Morio meet with Syed Yousif Raza Geelani Ex prime minister of Pakistan at multan High ...
06/10/2016

Memorable picture Mr. Inayatullah Morio meet with Syed Yousif Raza Geelani Ex prime minister of Pakistan at multan High court..

Advocate M.Ayaz Soomro during corner meeting with Avocate Inayatullah Morio At Morio House OPF colony Larkana...
29/08/2016

Advocate M.Ayaz Soomro during corner meeting with Avocate Inayatullah Morio At Morio House OPF colony Larkana...

24/11/2015

Many Many Congratulations to Mr. Inayatullah Morio sahib , on being Re-Elected as a President of O.P.F( Oversea Pakistani's Foundation) Colony Welfare Association again. The association put its trust on your efforts. We pray that may Allah Mighty bless you with courage to make the colony more beautiful, more safe and more ideal....
Regards: Admin

07/10/2015

وسعت اللہ خان
دنیا میں مساجد کا نام شخصیات کے نام پر رکھنا معمول کی بات ہے جس کا عمومی مقصد عقیدت کا اظہار یا خراجِ تحسین پیش کرنا ہے۔
سب سے زیادہ مساجد خلفائے راشدین اور اہلِ بیت سے معنون ہیں۔ اس کے بعد تابعین اور اولیا کے نام پر اور پھر دیگر تاریخی شخصیات، واقعات، برادری اور جگہوں کے نام پر عبادت گاہیں اور مدارس پائے جاتے ہیں، مثلاً بیت المقدس کی مسجدِ عمر فاروق، استنبول کی مسجدِ سلیمانیہ، شاہجہانی مسجد ٹھٹھہ، اسلام آباد کی فیصل مسجد، بابری مسجد ایودھیا، مسجدِ شب بھر لاہور، میمن مسجد کراچی وغیرہ وغیرہ۔
کئی مخیر حضرات اپنے کسی خاندانی بزرگ کے نام پر بھی عبادت گاہ کا نام رکھ لیتے ہیں، غرض بے شمار ناموں کی مساجد اور دیگر عبادت گاہیں ہر طرف پھیلی ہیں۔
مگر خبر تب بنتی ہے جب کسی ایسے نام پر عبادت گاہ کا نام رکھ دیا جائے جس کا بظاہر مقصد تو اسں شخصیت کو سراہنا ہو لیکن پوشیدہ مقصد ذاتی، مذہبی یا سیاسی مقاصد کا حصول ہو یا پھر کسی کی نگاہوں میں آ کر خوشنودی حاصل کرنا ہو۔
اسلام آباد ایکسپریس وے میں شکریال کے قریب گرین بیلٹ پر ضیا مسجد برسوں سے قائم ہے۔ روایت ہے کہ ایک بار جنرل ضیا الحق نے اس مقام پر نماز ادا کی اس کے بعد ان کے پرستاروں نے گرین بیلٹ پر ہی ان کے نام کی مسجد بنا دی۔
جنرل محمد ضیا الحق شہید مسجد سری نگر کے علاقے نواکدل میں بھی قائم ہے اس کا پرانا نام غنی مسجد تھا لیکن سنہ 1993 میں حزبِ المجاہدین کی حامی انتظامیہ نے اس کا نام بدل دیا۔
اسلام آباد کی لال مسجد کے خطیب مولانا عبدالعزیز مسجد کی لائبریری اسامہ بن لادن کو پہلے ہی معنون کر چکے ہیں۔
گذشتہ سال اسلام آباد ایکسپریس وے پر قائم غوری ٹاؤن رہائشی سکیم میں دس مرلے کے ایک پلاٹ پر سابق گورنر پنجاب سلمان تاثیر کے قاتل ممتاز قادری کے نام پر مسجد بنائی گئی۔ مسجد کے امام محمد اشفاق صابری کے مطابق یہ پلاٹ علاقے کے ’معروف لینڈ ڈویلپر‘ تاجی کھوکھر نے عطیہ کیا اور اس کا مقصد ممتاز قادری کو خراجِ تحسین پیش کرنا ہے جس نے ایک ’شاتمِ رسول‘ کو سبق سکھایا۔
اسی غوری ٹاؤن سے متصل علاقے میں گذشتہ ہفتے تحریکِ نجاتِ قبضہ مافیا نامی مقامی تنظیم کے سربراہ صفدر کھوکھر نے اپنے دو کنال کے خاندانی پلاٹ پر جامع مسجد راحیل شریف اور مدرسے کے قیام کا اعلان کیا۔
یہ مسجد ڈیڑھ برس میں مکمل ہو گی مگر ایک عارضی کمرے میں نمازِ باجماعت شروع کروا دی گئی ہے۔
صفدر کھوکھر کا خاندان تاجی کھوکھر گروپ کا مخالف ہے اور اسے امید ہے کہ جس طرح جنرل راحیل نے کراچی کو ’قبضہ مافیا‘ سے نجات دلائی اسی طرح اسلام آباد کو بھی ’لینڈ مافیا‘سے نجات دلائیں گے۔
تاہم ممتاز لینڈ ڈویلپر تاجی کھوکھر کے ایک ترجمان نے کہا ہے کہ مسجد جیسے مقام کو ذاتی و سیاسی مقاصد کے لیے استعمال کرنا قابلِ مذمت ہے۔
اسی دوران یہ خبر بھی آ گئی کہ راولپنڈی کے علاقے صدر کے نزدیک قائم مسجدِ غوثیہ اب غازی حمید گل غوثیہ مسجد ہوچکی ہے۔ نام کی یہ تبدیلی اسلام اور پاکستان کی سربلندی کے لیے جنرل صاحب کی شاندار خدمات کے اعتراف میں کی گئی۔
ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے شریعت سے متصادم قوانین کو کالعدم کرنے کے لیے اسلامی نظریاتی کونسل قائم کی، احمدیوں کو کافر قرار دیا، مسلم امہ کے اتحاد کے لیے اسلامی کانفرنس منعقد کی، جمعے کی چھٹی شروع کی اور شراب کی فروخت پر پابندی لگائی لیکن وہ اس قابل نہیں تھے کہ کہیں بھی مسجدِ بھٹو بن سکتی۔
کاش محمد علی جناح نے پاکستان بنانے کے علاوہ بھی اسلام اور پاکستان کی سربلندی کے لیے کوئی ایسا کام کیا ہوتا کہ ان کے نام پر اس ملک کے کسی کونے کھدرے میں کوئی چھوٹی سی مسجد جناح بنا دی جاتی۔
(ابھی ابھی میرے دل میں خیال آیا کہ اس حوالے سے اہلیانِ راولپنڈی و اسلام آباد سے مطالبہ کروں، مگر ان پر مزید دباؤ ڈالنا مناسب نہیں کیونکہ وہ پہلے ہی شاہ فیصل، ضیاالحق، ممتاز قادری، حمیدگل اور راحیل شریف کے نام سے مساجد بنا چکےتو انھیں اور کیا زیرِ بار کرنا، اب تو کسی اور علاقے کے لوگ ہمت کریں تو کریں۔)

10/07/2015

Larkana News 09th july 2015-
Village Moriya Faqeer ke logon k liye aik bht bade khushi k baat aur aik bhut bade kamyabi, Advocate supreme court Mr Inayatullah G Morio k bhut koshisho aur kawash k baad ab village Moriya faqeer ko U.C (Union Council) ka Status diya gaya jis mai Deh Phulpota , Deh gham, Deh Moriya ab U.C Moriya Faqeer ka Hissan hai Allah Inayatullah Sahib ko aur Moriyo faqeer k logo ko khush o Aabad rakhe Aameen....

16/03/2015

LARKANA: In the Larkana District Bar Association election, the Peoples Lawyers Forum (PLF) suffered a setback when it lost the key post of general secretary to Rashid Mustafa Solangi of the Sindh Dost Panel who defeated his rival, Kalpna Devi, by a wide margin, according to unofficial results.

PLF candidate Inayatullah Morio also defeated Babu Sarfraz Jatoi, a pro-PML-N candidate, by just one vote for the slot of president. Akbar Ali Dahar was declared elected as the vice president while other PLF candidates Irfan Khichi, Imdad Mashori and Zafar Somro were declared elected for the posts of joint secretary, library secretary and treasurer, respectively.
Congrates To all Follower of this page Mr. Inayatullah Morio is agian select as a President District Bar Association Larkana
Report by: Admin

02/02/2015

(POLITICAL INTERPLAY: PTI-PML-PPP-MQM EQUATIONS)

Report by admin....

In 2015, at the national level, among the civilian political parties, the two main contenders will remain the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) is likely to diminish further and will only serve as a handmaiden of the PMLN while keeping up the appearance of being in the opposition. Even if Bilawal Bhutto Zardari starts playing a more active role in PPP affairs, it is highly unlikely that the party will be able to re-emerge as one of the poles of Pakistani politics.
The PPP has virtually no presence or resonance anywhere in Pakistan except for Sindh, where it could see some crystallisation of forces opposed to it. In Sindh, the PPP-Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) relations will remain fraught. The MQM is facing erosion in both its firepower and its political base and could face major crisis even if the criminal cases against Altaf Hussein in UK don't lead to his arrest. Nevertheless, if the MQM retaliates, Karachi could see large-scale disruptions and disturbances.
In Balochistan, despite the growing dissent from a section of the PMLN leadership, the coalition government is likely to continue under the current Chief Minister. The anti-establishment Baloch nationalists like the Balochistan National Party Mengal (BNP-M) have lost political ground because of their participation in the 2013 General Elections and are likely to get squeezed between those the insurgents on one side and the collaborators on the other side.

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, there could be a political vacuum in 2015 if the anger, disillusionment and disenchantment with the PTI-led coalition grows, partly because it hasn't really broken any new ground in terms of administration and good governance and partly because of its soft attitude towards the Taliban. The trouble is that the Awami National Party (ANP) hasn't managed to really regroup after its loss in the 2013 polls and is in no position to re-emerge as a potent force in the province. The PMLN appears to be in disarray with senior leaders disgruntled and the central leadership averse to doing anything to destabilise the PTI-led government. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam- Fazal-ur-Rehman (JUI-F) has its pockets of support but its links with the Taliban are going to go against it.

The real battleground will remain the Punjab where the fight will be between PTI and PMLN. Unless the PMLN commits a major blunder, either with the military or in its dealings with other political parties, it is unlikely that in 2015 Imran Khan will be able to mount the sort of pressure he did in 2014. His anti-government campaign appears to have lost steam. Partly because of the urgency that the anti-terror campaign has acquired and partly because of the papering over of differences between the PMLN government and the military, Imran Khan is unlikely to get much Pakistan in 2015 traction in his quest to force the ouster of the government. The challenge for Imran Khan will be to keep his flock together and even expand his political base. There is a good chance that many anti-PMLN elements in Punjab, including those in the PPP, will make a bee-line for PTI.

Therefore, while Imran Khan will remain a force to reckon with, he will not be able to force a mid-term election. In any case, if a situation develops where the elected government is ousted by hook or by crook, then instead of an election, there could be another extra-constitutional dispensation taking over.

Pakistan’s Likely Strategy Towards Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir is likely to once again become the big sticking point between India and Pakistan, more so because positions in both New Delhi and Islamabad have hardened over the issue. Even if Pakistan cracks down against all shades of jihadists, including groups focussed on India like the Jamaat-ud-Dawah/ Lashkar-e-Taiba, it won't be of much help because Pakistan will try and balance this action by raising the diplomatic and political temperature over Kashmir.

Efforts will be made to internationalise Kashmir, which in turn will be a red rag for the Indian government and tie its hands on re-engaging with Pakistan. On the other hand, if Pakistan continues with the policy of using jihadist proxies in India and tries to keep the pot boiling in Kashmir by exporting violence, then in addition to the normal political and diplomatic stand-off, chances are that the Line of Control (LoC) will also heat up.

Violence levels in Kashmir could also spike if Pakistan re-starts the export of jihad. Pakistan could get an opportunity to muddy the waters in Kashmir if the internal politics in the State remains in disarray.

Rise of the Islamic State?
The rising attraction of the Islamic State (IS) is among the most worrying trends that could unfold in 2015. Over the last few months, despite denials from Pakistani officials, there is good reason to believe that the IS has started gaining traction in Pakistan. If this trend grows, and IS gains more adherents, then it will complicate not just an already complex jihadist problem but also the regional dynamics.

There is a good possibility that if Pakistan manages to broker a deal between the Mullah Omar-led Taliban and the Afghan government, the more radical elements of the Taliban could gravitate towards IS. This could in turn lead to a fight between the Taliban and IS. On the other hand, if the Pakistani efforts at effecting a rapprochement between the Afghan government and Taliban comes a cropper, and the fighting continues, then there could be some kind of a compact between IS and Taliban, provided of course they are able to settle the ticklish problem of how a Caliph and an Amir-ul-Momineen are going to work together.

A third possibility is that the Taliban s***f out the challenge of the IS. The relationship between al Qaeda and the IS will also be a critical factor. Although al Qaeda has a strong base in this region, it has been losing its primacy in the jihadist scheme of things to the IS. For Pakistan the problem will be how it balances its links with the Afghan Taliban with its budding relationship with the Afghan government. If it leans too much on the side of the Afghan government, it could push the Taliban away and if this leads to the much feared compact between the Taliban and IS, then Pakistan will have to pay a very heavy price. On the other hand, if it isn't able to deliver the Taliban to the Afghan government, then it could lead to a collapse of the Afghan-Pakistan relationship, which in turn will also destabilise the region. Regardless of what happens, radicalism isn't going anywhere any time soon.

27/01/2015

LARKANA: The PPP-backed panel won most seats in the annual election of the High Court Bar Association (HCBA), Larkana, but lost the key slot of general secretary which was grabbed by Shamsuddin Abbasi, son of Moulana Jan Muhammed Abbasi.
This time reportedly a breakaway group of the Peoples Lawyers Forum (PLF) contested the election by the name of ‘Group of Friends’ supported by senior lawyer Asif Abdul Razzak Soomro, president of the PLF Sindh.
The election was held on the high court premises under the supervision of Additional Session Judge Abdul Rehman Qazi and unofficial results were announced late Saturday night.
According to the results, former SHC judge Ghulam Dastagir Shahani secured 241 votes while defeating his opponent Babu Sarfraz Jatoi who got 148 votes for the seat of president. Altaf Surhiyo obtained 263 votes and became vice president by defeating his opponent Ali Azhar Tunio, who secured 125 votes. Shamsuddin Abbasi defeated Rafique Abro for the seat of general secretary by bagging 243 votes to become the general secretary restricting Mr Abro to 146 votes. Noorullah Rind of the pro-PPP panel secured 218 votes and won the seat of joint secretary by defeating his opponent from the PML-N, Irshad Chandio, who got 153 votes. Safdar Ghouri won the seat of library secretary with 221 votes while his opponent Afzal Jagirani got 143 votes.
Rprort By Admi............

24/01/2015
Vote and support ..,..
06/10/2014

Vote and support ..,..

06/01/2014

Mr. Jillani, the Honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan, carries with him the image of ‘a gentleman judge’. He is progressive, hardworking and firm in dispensation of justice. While the nation welcomes Mr. Jillani as the new CJP, he is confronted with many challenges by virtue of his position.
Mr. Chaudhry, the former Chief Justice of Pakistan has left behind a certain public image and legacy, though his image is not flawless and his legacy is not beyond criticism, its existence is a reality. Although a section of educated middle class recognizes it unfair to draw a comparison between Justice Jillani and his predecessor simply for the reason that Justice Chaudhry had a fairly longer term to serve as CJP, to build his public image and to develop his legacy in comparison to Justice Jillani who barely has a few months to act in that position, by and large the public would continue to be judgmental about it.
Having known Mr. Jillani for quite some time now, both as a judge of the Lahore High Court and the Supreme Court, it is certain that the thought process,personality and the image that he likes to carry is much different from that of his predecessor. There is not a single occasion when I have seen a law officer, a litigant, an investigating officer, a bureaucrat or a politician being humiliated or insulted in his Court. At the same time, one comes across firmness in his attitude to dispense justice that has gained further strength over the years.
Mr. Chaudhry, on the other hand, proceeded with matters before him mostly on the assumption that the state has collapsed and that it was for his Court to fix it as the ultimate saviour. Therefore, while exposing the incompetence, partiality and contradictions in the stance taken by various investigating agencies, public servants, security agencies etc., his court would act in an inquisitorial mode to investigate facts in every other case before it.
Conversely, Justice Jillani, through his judgments, has been emphasizing on the philosophy of judicial restraint keeping in view important constitutional value of the trichotomy of powers as also the canons of fair trial, particularly Article 10A, thereby questioning the very assumption of his predecessor. Be that as it may, there are fundamental questions inviting debate: whether the state in Pakistan has collapsed? Even if it has, whether the judicial system has escaped such a collapse? Can judiciary legitimately claim a role and responsibility to fix it all? Does it have the capacity to fix it all? Amidst all these difficult questions, Justice Chaudhry succeeded in creating his public image of being a powerful Chief Justice, although his popularity has diminished to some extent since his son’s case surfaced.
Mr. Jillani must identify a couple of goals and pursue those with maximum devotion to leave behind a positive legacy on his superannuation.
Amongst other things, Justice Chaudhry’s popularity was associated with expansion of judicial power to question power corridors, be that legislature, executive, security apparatus and intelligence agencies. He could enjoy exercise of such powers essentially for the reason that during the period between 2008 and 2013, there was a political division over some issues of national importance and his judicial intervention enjoyed support of one of the two major political parties in the country. Post May 2013 elections; there is a virtual consensus between the said political forces over almost all major issues (with PTI being the only significant opposition). There is now little room available for any effective and successful judicial intervention. Mr. Chaudhry’s attempt to obtain a short date for the holding of elections for local bodies not only failed but also backfired resulting in the instant passage of a resolution in the NA against extension of his tenure. Mr. Jillani, the Chief Justice being an otherwise cautious judge exercising restraint in view of his commitment with trichotomy of powers, is unlikely assume risks in the areas without strong political divide or major public dissent.
Likewise, in response to the judgment of the Supreme Court in the missing persons case announced just before superannuation of Mr. Chaudhry, the federal and provincial governments are considering to provide a new legislative cover to the security apparatus enabling them to detain persons without trial. For the next few months at least, this will shift the focus of Supreme Court proceedings away from recovery of detainees, towards constitutional validity or otherwise of the legislative instrument, and may well consume the tenure of Mr. Jillani as CJP.
There is, however, likelihood of judicial intervention in blatant cases of misuse of authority on part of executive; although having heard Mr. Jillani’s speeches and read his judgments, one can speculate that the frequency of his intervention, the manner of proceedings and the scope of his decisions are likely to differ from his predecessor’s. So what other options does Mr. Jillani have in his short tenure? Following are a few suggestions, in my opinion, available to him.
The attempt made by the new CJP, if any, to rectify the increasing public perception that the institution of judiciary is beyond accountability, can substantially improve image of the institution of judiciary and strengthen it. While it may take some time to make the institution of Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) effective, the perception that the institution has been made functional can be built by small public confidence building measures, such as disclosure of information regarding the total number of complaints received by SJC over a certain period of time and status thereof, which fulfills the requirements of Article 19A, can be good starting point. At the same time, it is essential and in the public interest to withhold information about the nature of any particular complaint so as to avoid scandalizing of the judge for as long as he serves on the bench.
Likewise, there is a frequently voiced complaint in the bar rooms against some of the judges having performance below average in terms of efficiently disposing of cases or their quality of decision making. Ideally, an effective check should be employed at the stage of confirmation of an additional judge to be appointed as permanent judge, however, an appropriate amendment of the code of conduct for judges enabling the SJC to remove such High Court judges, with prior warning, may be welcomed by the bar as well as the public at large.
Avoidance of the perception of marginalisation of dissenting views, by structuring the administrative powers of the chief justice to constitute benches and fix cases before the same, in particular matters of public importance falling under Article 184(3) of the Constitution, is essential to reduce criticism against judiciary and elevate image of the judiciary. Such structuring may involve fixation of all cases under Article 184(3) before a Bench of five or more senior most judges to allow the dissenting voices, if any, on the bench.
Mr. Jillani, the Honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan, needs to focus on the development and expansion of Human Rights jurisprudence in Pakistan. There has to be a special emphasis on the promotion of access to justice to all segments of the society particularly the week, vulnerable and deprived segments elements such as poor, women, children, minorities and persons with disabilities. This indeed has to be the primary focus of all future Chief Justices of Pakistan, if the judicial system is to establish and protect its legitimacy. Besides a more serious and systematic attempt for making the courts at district level more functional, Mr. Jillani might have to play a role in the establishment of new benches at the division level in the province of Punjab, to ensure justice at doorstep for the litigants who are frequently required to travel 100 kms or more only to hear that their cases have been adjourned or could not be taken up due to paucity of time. With deteriorating standards in the district judiciary, owing to its susceptibility to pressures and influences from the powerful, High Courts and the Supreme Court keep the hope of consumers of justice alive, and the increase in financial costs associated with a centralized and distant High Court restricts that access.
Mr. Jillani’s place in the history as the Chief Justice of Pakistan shall depend upon his vision, his success in sharing that vision with his fellow judges, and effectiveness of the court that he heads in implementation of that vision. The nation is looking up to him for the performance of his new role.
Written by : Inayatullah G. Morio Advocate Supreme Court of Pakistan and Former President High Court Bar Association Larkana

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